Chairman of Vetevendosje, Visar Ymeri said that the process of selecting the new president of Kosovo is overwhelmed with interference and blackmail towards deputies Democratic League of Kosovo.

While reiterating their opposition to the movement against Hashim Thaci’s election of a president, Ymer in an interview with VOA, casting doubts on new concessions to the representatives of the Serb community by the ruling coalition.

VOA: Mr. Ymer, Kosova became president elected in a period of political crisis and despite your objections. However, is there a way to work with to overcome the current situation?

Visar Ymer: First, how is elected president is absolutely unacceptable. We have said repeatedly that the central institutions of democratic legitimacy to suffer, particularly after the conclusion of the Constitutional Court, that as this government is led by two people who have threatened to violate the constitution and the constitutional order of the country’s sovereignty. And in this regard, we consider that this charade that we saw today, this that we call the process of electing a president, has become an institution, first with legitimacy truncated on the other side and the process has been a process which is easily arguable, considering how the issue is handled. So, on the one hand with opposition MPs against intervention, this brutal intervention that dragged us from the hall by police and the other side for the blackmail, threats and generally those used for them breaks that deputies who changed his mind as was seen in the first phase of voting were to choose this person president of the Republic of Kosovo.

VOA: But do not you somehow legitimized by the fact that the member had your voting member of the committee?

Visar Ymer: No, in fact the presence of the deputy Ilir Deda, was only to observe the process in order to restrict on procedural abuses in the assembly hall, which of course we had doubts. While on the other side know that quorum is he that counted the ballot box and not the presence in the hall in case of election of the president and the first ballots have been 81, while the deputies in the hall were 82. So it is not calculated this as part of quorum. On the other hand we have seen repeatedly, and had even publicly voices speaking for blackmail being exercised against MPs from the head of the LDK in particular, which is primarily responsible for our opinion, that enabled selection Thaci president of the Republic .

VOA: Mr. Ymer, but he had a political agreement which can not be avoided?

Visar Ymer: Yes, however, that there was any justification now LDK Isa Mustafa or in this case, I think that should etablohet as true undisputed that it was Isa Mustafa that allowed Thaci’s election as president. We should note here not only choose a person president, or through this procedure that caught the top of the state in some way, but we need to consider as well, which is spoken for a long time about this issue that has an ongoing trend of buying votes of the deputies. Which it was not even happened. So, a part of MPs who have changed their minds not only on polling day but before her. And in this respect I think that here is set at a higher level this vote buying, we have seen happen in the electoral process in Kosovo. It is located in the head of state a person who is suspected of numerous crimes of war, namely corruption and organized crime, which remains one of the key people, which means that practically by Kosovo in the first place has a corrupt man and man involved in organized crime, the illegal occupation of property and affairs of other criminalized and in this regard, an accomplice in the crime was done Isa Mustafa through enabling the smuggling of Hashim Thaci as president Kosovo. This practically brings Kosovo in an extremely difficult situation for the democratic process, because here democracy has become a political will not to vote in force, but in purchasing power.

VOA: But the power of the vote was not decided in parliament this time. The coalition had the votes?

Visar Ymer: Yes, this vote was mediated by money. I think that one of the mechanisms that allowed this vote, was the money, vote buying, the other has been harassment and for all these is talking publicly even though no confirmations, because, of course, those people will not perhaps never confirm. But there is ample material to suspect such an intervention. So, there is no logical, and I think there is how to justify the difference of 50 votes in the first round to 71 votes in the second round. 21 MPs were persuaded to half an hour to Hashim Thaci Too right person to be president when they were convinced all these years, I think that in itself explains what happened that day in the assembly.

VOA: You have left open the possibility to contest the election of Mr. Thaci in the Constitutional Court. On what basis?

Visar Ymer: Yes, this are reviewed and are in consultation with two other subjects opposition with constitutional experts and legal, not only subjects, but also outside in order to examine the possibility that there are grounds and if it is possible that it contested in the Constitutional Court.

VOA: Mr. Thaçi Choosing a president can create a new situation on the political scene, where parties are mainly identified with their leaders. As you create space for this situation?

Visar Ymer: Causes of the united opposition is the cause of which is extremely large and important for the Republic of Kosovo. And in this cause we had, as I say so, different stages in which our opposition has been based on the circumstances in the necessity of acting. We will decide in our cause, so to impossible in Kosovo bosnianization one hand and on the other side of disabling rather limited the territorial integrity of the country. But this cause certainly on its way also has other objections to processes that are related to these two issues. For example you have seen what the reaction has been suppose Serbian List and cruel policy of the list is (Alexander) Vucic towards this choice but (Ivica) Dacic, who said that now our position on Kosovo only strengthened . While out some conditions for which neither has been assertion nor denial and which is supposed to be a part of a new agreement between Hashim Thaçi and Isa Mustafa Serbian List, to condition their position in the hall . We need to consider one thing: Hashim Thaci enabled to vote for president with the presence of the Serb List there.

Voice of America: it was part of the coalition agreement, Mr. Ymer?

Visar Ymer: In fact, the coalition agreement is made, the agreement of Raska, which is named, there the Serb List coalition already reached between PDK and LDK, they had agreed on mode and time of founding “zajednicës” the Serb-majority municipalities. While now, again we are talking about a reconfirmation of the commitment of these two persons to establish this Zajednice. And this directly contradicts not only with the interests and sovereignty of the country, but now with a judgment of the Constitutional Court, which declared zajednicën practically dead, turning it into a non-governmental organization.

Voice of America: Allow me to dwell on it. The opinion of the Constitutional Court on the association of Serb-majority municipalities of Podgorica’s readiness for the new official discussed the issue of demarcation were not “Momentum” new policy that you do not dissipated as the opposition to resolve the issues within institutions is a requirement international factors also run you?

Visar Ymer: Indeed this was a significant political momentum in which the Government of the Republic of Kosovo had to reflect. So, in both cases, especially against the judgment of the Constitutional Court, where etablohet that zajednica can not be established under the agreement of 25 August, is that loyalty can be established either by some of the points of agreement of 18 April 2013 It has been an extraordinary moment that the Kosovo government as a signatory to this agreement to take a step back in its insistence to implement the agreement.

VOA: If it was a good moment for them to withdraw, as you said, a step back, it was a good moment for you to do a step forward, but within the institutions?

Visar Ymer: Yes, look, in the period in which we are and where we have been since the beginning of the year, we should understand one thing: it is the government which is caught in the act. And it is the government which should take decisions in accordance with the political will of the citizens, the state interests of the Republic of Kosovo and the legal basis of this republic. None of these did not make the government of the Republic of Kosovo. In this respect I think that the issue here is not a compromise, as it is called, on both sides, but the issue of decisions by the executive, so that the fragile democracy in Kosovo to turn a little bit of hope.

VOA: And you chose a violent method to protect the constitutional order and democracy in Kosovo. Are these tools Mr. Ymer democratic?

Visar Ymer: Our action as a member of the Assembly of the Republic of Kosovo, has been in accordance with our oath. So, the oath of each member of Parliament says more or less these words: I pledge that will protect the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the country. This means that he will protect in any case, whenever threatened by anyone who is threatened. It says nothing at all about methods. Now, I know that the methods that we used, especially within the Assembly of the Republic of Kosovo, are sometimes problematize, both from domestic public opinion, both outside the Republic of Kosovo, as non-conventional methods of institutional action. However, we should note that we do not act in the common conventional circumstances democratic. So, you have seen that in the Assembly of Kosovo for a long time discussing these two issues: the zajednica the demarcation on the other side. Sometimes assembly also issued resolutions on these issues. All these are ignored by institutions. And the united opposition has been forced to take these measures in defense of the republic, because there was no other option to protect the republic by Mustafa and Hashim Thaçi, who were determined to deal with Vucic to seriously jeopardize the interest of the republic and the possibility of its sovranizimit.

VOA: But does not he pay the price these assets, particularly the opposition Self-Determination Movement in general but in a way that is isolated from the international community because of these tools and methods?

Visar Ymer: I think that firstly this issue tear gas is pressing to be classified as violent methods, given that the tear gas used in the assembly, aimed at disabling the normalization of work in the church in while zajednica abnormalizonte of the Republic of Kosovo. Not intended to hurt anyone and was not directed at any person. And in this regard I consider that it can not be considered as violence. While the motive, the reason why this was done, I think that is much higher than the picture that has shown, for example session of Parliament with tear gas, which of course is not a normal and there is a sight not to draw attention.

Voice of America: Along tear gas, we have seen bottles with gasoline on the street or known as “Molotov cocktail”. Is this method of violence? Are you the authors and is this the way for change in the country?

Visar Ymer: The protests had sometimes exit scenario, in terms of certain people, who for various reasons do not want to judge now, have used some of the measures that were not premeditated. I think it is justified, or should be handled by two possible perspectives that can be connected to each other. On the one hand, we should understand one thing that how power is brought especially against these two agreements is transformed into a violent power. While this power, the same often this violence implicitly made explicit and brutal, in terms of intervention against the demonstrators, intervention in the offices of political parties, in this case the Vetevendosje movement, as you have seen with policemen with guns drawn and armed to the teeth. Last and square intervention it confiscated all the tents we had put there to organize our peaceful protest. On the other hand we have in Kosovo an unusually large number of people who are angry and who are losing patience with the situation that has stagnated now 16 years without providing any possibility of perspective, whether economic, political, social, etc.

Voice of America: This dissatisfaction or can not be converted into votes in the constitutional deadlines to change the situation, instead of using violent means that it is often said that there are efforts of self-determination that some revolution to change the situation in the country?

Visar Ymer, but see, we have always insisted that this government must resign to pave the way for Kosovo to be a democratic process of free elections that would produce a new institutional legitimacy at the national level. And we continue to insist because we value that can not talk at all about democracy in Kosovo or elsewhere, if on top of it are the people who have violated the constitution. In this regard, the only solution on Kosovo that new elections produce new institutions and these new institutions will then produce new decisions, new president, a new government and new policies. However, power is entrenched in its position. Each time more and more are taking in fact the title of an authoritarian regime, which you have seen that it is being used in the international media as such. I think that is an extremely important moment for the citizens of the republic to not only stand in defense of the republic, but also public space for political participation, which is the basis of democracy.

VOA: Kosovo that has achieved has achieved with the support of Western allies, particularly the United States. Given your relationship with Western euro diplomacy, how do you make changes, because you beat you name people who are not close to that part of the allies who had so much weight to the political developments in Kosovo?

Visar Ymer: I think that the first political and institutional legitimacy derives from citizens. This is the most important issue and if there is a social movement that seeks changes in Kosovo, then of course that the countries that have a friendly approach towards Kosovo, in particular the United States, which historically have helped Albanians in general and Kosovo in particular during the last century and the beginning of the last century, I think it should have been and in fact, if you notice them and their public statements, in friendship and in partnership with the people of Kosovo more than anyone in Kosovo. In this respect I think that this is healthy partnership that he would have to build. The second is that the countries that have recognized the Republic of Kosovo and that helped but also the Republic of Kosovo Albanian people during the war, of course there are countries that will never take the position that it would be contrary to the interests of Kosovo. And in this regard we should note that this alliance, this partnership that we need to build, with the US but also with other countries that have recognized Kosovo should be an alliance and partnership that allows the Republic of Kosovo, implementation and advancing its interest, of course not damaged then mutual interest, but as I say, so the regional situation in general. And in this regard, I consider that most people currently standing problem that we have in government. Is not such constant demand of our friends to have a greater resolve in the fight against corruption and organized crime. But we need to remember one thing. This fight not only in words, not only fought with conferences. This fight not only with the public presentation if anyone who speaks against crime and corruption. Crime and corruption in Kosovo have names. Should we have to have the name and institutions of an independent judiciary and strong enough, in order to fight crime and corruption. It is now proven that these policies can not advance far away. So, no need for a radical change of policy in Kosovo and on the other hand needs strong institutions that are more powerful than the system Nouns. Currently we do not have such a thing. So, it was seen in the latter case that people with political power and financial in this case, Mr. Minister, do their best to occupy a new position for himself and for this are willing to violate any rule institutional and whatever the will of the citizens, including citizens in protest, as did the police. So in this respect everyone should be aware that if Kosovo moves will be made so that a state will resemble many Bosnian. And of course such a failed state does not want one, and not think as our allies and friends.


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